Wondering why Tomorrow Movement keeps saying that Labor has sided with big business for decades, putting vested interests over our future? Here is an inextensive list:
2004–2007 (Howard Government Era – ALP in Opposition)
1. Pro-mining stance on uranium (2006)
Labor changed its uranium mining policy in 2007 at its National Conference, abandoning the “no new mines” policy that had been in place since 1984. handing BHP and Rio Tinto huge profits while ignoring the risks of radioactive waste and nuclear proliferation. Young activists warned this locked in dirty energy for decades.
2. Weak opposition to corporate tax cuts (2007)
In the lead-up to the 2007 election, Labor abandoned meaningful opposition to Howard’s business-friendly tax agenda. Labor supported various corporate tax breaks to appear “economically responsible.”
3. Backing private health insurance subsidies (2004)
Labor kept backing $6 billion/year in PHI rebates (which was a 30% government rebate of premiums to people that had private health insurance), which funnelled public money to insurers like Medibank while public hospitals crumbled. Result? Young workers got stuck with skyrocketing premiums or worse care if they relied on Medicare.
Continued support for the 30% government rebate for private health insurance premiums, benefiting insurers over public healthcare. Companies like Medibank, Bupa, and NIB aggressively lobied to keep the rebate, threatening premium hikes if removed. Labor accepted donations from the healthcare sector (e.g., $250k+ from insurers in 2004–07).
4. Approval of coal seam gas projects (2007)
Supported coal seam gas (CSG) expansions by supported fast-tracking Environmental Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act exemptions , for projects like Santos. This showed Labor favoring energy companies sacrificing water and climate safety to export more LNG.
5. Labor’s Support for the US Free Trade Agreement (2004) – The deal locked in longer patent protections for US drug companies, delaying cheaper generics and raising medication costs—hitting young/low-income Australians hardest; and relaxed media ownership rules benefited US entertainment giants (Disney, Warner Bros) over local creators, reducing youth job opportunities in Aussie arts.
2007–2013 (Rudd/Gillard ALP Governments)
1. Carbon Compensation for Big Polluters (2011)
Gillard’s carbon pricing scheme included heavy compensation for coal and energy companies. The Clean Energy Act 2011 implemented Australia’s carbon pricing mechanism but included 5.5 billion in free permits to emission intensive industries and 1 billion in compensation to coal-fired power stations. Despite creating a price on carbon, these concessions weakened the scheme’s environmental impact by shielding major polluters.
2. Expanding Coal Export Infrastructure (2011)
The Customs Amendment (Export Controls and Other Measures) Act 2011 streamlined approvals for coal port expansions like Abbot Point, which later facilitated Galilee Basin projects including Adani’s Carmichael mine. While promoted as a trade efficiency measure, it fast-tracked environmental assessments for dredging and construction, contradicting Labor’s climate commitments. The ALP voted with the Coalition to pass the law, enabling an estimated 4.6 billion tonnes of future CO₂ emissions from coal exports linked to these ports.
3. Backing corporate tax cuts (2012)
The proposed reduction in cutting company tax rates from 30% to 25% was part of broader business tax reforms recommended by the Henry Tax Review. The government argued lower rates would improve Australia’s international competitiveness and attract foreign investment. However, the Parliamentary Budget Office estimated the tax cuts would reduce government revenue by approximately $10 billion over four years. The policy faced criticism for disproportionately benefiting large corporations and foreign shareholders rather than domestic small businesses. Ulitmately, the legislation was not passed.
4. No teeth with Murdoch media (2010–2013)
The 2012 Finkelstein Media Inquiry recommended significant reforms including a new independent regulator and stronger public interest tests. Despite these recommendations, the government implemented only limited reforms that avoided challenging major media companies’ market power. This cautious approach followed intense criticism from News Corporation outlets, which had launched aggressive campaigns against previous Labor policies. The government’s media reform package ultimately failed to pass Parliament due to lack of crossbench support.
5. Support for fossil fuel subsidies (2013)
The government maintained several significant fossil fuel subsidies including the Fuel Tax Credits scheme, which provided $5.4 billion in rebates to mining and resources companies in 2012-13. Other subsidies included accelerated depreciation allowances for gas infrastructure and funding for carbon capture and storage research. These measures were retained despite Australia’s commitment to reduce emissions under international climate agreements. The Productivity Commission had previously recommended phasing out many of these subsidies on economic efficiency grounds.
2013–2022 (ALP in Opposition & Shorten/Albanese Leadership)
1. Expanding Tax Concessions for Multinationals (2015)
Supported this legislation that:
- Only applied to companies with $1 billion+ annual revenue – just 1,000 firms out of Australia’s ~3 million businesses.
- Exempted mid-sized multinationals (e.g., mining services firms, hotel chains) using similar tax avoidance schemes.
- Allowed companies like Apple, Google, and Microsoft to keep using:
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“Double Irish” structures (shifting profits to tax havens)
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Debt-loading (artificially inflating Australian subsidiaries’ debts to reduce taxable income)
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- Relied on companies self-reporting avoidance (no mandatory audits).
- The ATO later revealed 72% of multinationals didn’t fully comply, but few faced penalties.
2. Weak stance on negative gearing (2016–2019)
Labor proposed limiting negative gearing to new housing (exempting existing investments) but retained the policy for all commercial real estate. This half-measure would have saved just 2 billion annually compared to 7 billion from full abolition. The retreat followed intense lobbying from property groups and banks, with one institute spending $2 million campaigning against changes. Labor ultimately abandoned even these modest reforms after their 2019 election loss.
3. Approving Adani mine (2017–2019)
Queensland Labor’s fast-tracked of state permits, and Federal Labor opposed Greens motions to block the mine in Parliament The project proceeded with $900 million in federal infrastructure funding for rail lines, despite climate scientists warning it would open the floodgates for Galilee Basin development.
4. Backing gas-led recovery (2020)
Albanese supported Morrison’s plan to spend $600 million on new gas infrastructure, fast-track 5 key gas basins, and underwrite gas-fired power stations This occurred despite the Climate Council warning it locked in 13% higher emissions by 2030. Labor only opposed specific elements like the Kurri Kurri gas plant while supporting the overall strategy.
5. Opposing Greens’ corporate super-profits tax (2021)
Labor rejected a 40% super-profits tax on companies earning over 100 million, which would have raised 338 billion over the decade. Instead, they proposed narrower reforms targeting multinational tax avoidance (raising just $1.9 billion). Treasury analysis showed 85% of the Greens’ proposal would have come from mining and banking sectors enjoying record pandemic profits.
2022–2024 (Albanese Government)
1. Stage 3 Tax Cuts (2024)
Maintained the Coalition’s legislated tax cuts giving 55% of benefits to the top 20% of earners before modest revisions. The Albanese government preserved key elements including $4,500 annual cuts for those earning over $180,000 and $20 billion in annual revenue loss.
2. Approving new coal/gas projects (2022 – 24)
The Albanese Government continued to approve new and expanded coal and/or gas projects despite climate warnings. These approvals continued despite IEA warnings that no new fossil projects align with 1.5°C goals, and while maintaining $1.5 billion in annual fossil fuel subsidies. The government refused to implement a climate trigger in the EPBC Act that could have blocked environmentally damaging projects.
3. Weak climate targets (2023)
Legislated a 43% emissions cut by 2030 that relies on questionable offsets and excludes exported emissions. Climate Analytics showed this target puts Australia on a 2.7°C+ warming trajectory and would consume 82% of our fair share of the global carbon budget by 2030. The target was designed to allow continued coal and gas exports while maintaining business-as-usual for energy giants.
4. Backing AUKUS (2023)
Committed $368 billion to nuclear submarine deal The deal prioritizes payments to US/UK weapons contractors (such as Lockheed Martin ($4.6bn in Australian contracts since 2022), BAE Systems, and Rolls-Royce). Despite defence experts warn the submarines won’t be delivered until the 2040s – likely outdated by hypersonic missiles and AI warfare.
5. Protecting the supermarket duopoly (2024)
Despite Coles and Woolworths recording a combined profit of over $2.6 billion in 2023 and food prices rising by around 9.6%, Labor responded to concerns of price gouging with a limited 12-month review of the Food and Grocery Code. The government:
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Rejected calls for divestiture powers that would allow the Australian Competition and Consumer Comission (ACCC) to break up supermarket monopolies
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Opposed introducing direct price caps on essential goods